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Understanding the Roots of Human Violence: An Agricultural Shift

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Chapter 1: The Shift to Agriculture and Its Impact on Violence

The evidence clearly illustrates that significant violence among humans only became prevalent with the advent of agriculture.

Often, I receive comments from various men who assert that I lack understanding in my anthropological discussions. Despite extensive archaeological and sociological evidence showing that large-scale violence emerged alongside the Agricultural Revolution, these individuals remain convinced that violence has always been an integral part of human nature. Their insistence on this belief is puzzling, especially when they dismiss my findings as mere feminist fantasies.

Interestingly, my arguments are grounded in research and quotations from male anthropologists published in scientific journals, which depict a narrative starkly different from the one these men seem to cling to. It raises the question of why any dissenting opinion from women is automatically labeled as feminist. Is it that they perceive any woman’s public discourse as a challenge to their views?

Regardless, the actual evidence is compelling. Prior to the Agricultural Revolution, humans lived in small tribal groups where cooperation and egalitarianism were crucial for survival. There is no archaeological record of widespread violence before approximately 13,000 years ago; most evidence of such behavior is dated to around 8,000 years ago and later. These early communities were structured to promote harmony and social cohesion.

A common rebuttal I encounter is the claim that limited natural resources lead to conflict. While this phenomenon is well-documented, it’s essential to recognize that our Paleolithic and early Neolithic ancestors likely did not experience significant resource scarcity. Population densities were low, and resources were abundant during this period.

For instance, around 7000 B.C.E., the population in Europe may have been close to 400,000, comparable to modern-day Tucson, Arizona. At this time, the population density would have been even lower.

Cultural anthropologist Raymond C. Kelly suggests that early Homo erectus hunter-gatherer societies had population densities that minimized armed conflict. The development of throwing spears and ambush hunting techniques made violence costly, fostering cooperation and necessitating low population densities to prevent resource competition. This behavior may have facilitated H. erectus’s migration out of Africa roughly 1.8 million years ago as a means of conflict avoidance.

Kelly and other anthropologists argue that it was only with the rise of sedentary agriculture that raids on neighboring settlements began. This shift makes sense for various reasons. Agriculture is inherently more vulnerable; poor weather or crop failure could devastate food supplies. In contrast, hunter-gatherers typically consumed over 50 different food sources, allowing them to adapt when certain resources were scarce. They could also relocate to areas with more abundant resources as needed.

Hunter-gatherer groups are thought to have consisted of around 20 to 50 individuals, including children, similar to many modern tribes. These groups maintained reciprocal relationships with neighboring tribes, often comprising family members.

“Small family bands likely interconnected with larger networks, facilitating the exchange of people to maintain genetic diversity,” states Professor Martin Sikora from the Centre for GeoGenetics at the University of Copenhagen. This process appears to have been intentional, recognizing the value of genetic diversity as a cooperative strategy among a highly social species. Research indicates that cooperation is not only essential for survival but also psychologically rewarding, akin to physical pleasure.

The existence of social pain reinforces this concept. The things that evoke feelings of pain are recognized by evolution as threats to survival, suggesting that social connections are vital for our wellbeing. This understanding shifts our perspective on human behavior; rather than viewing it as purely self-serving, we see that social connections hold intrinsic value.

Paleolithic communities had little reason to engage in warfare or large-scale violence, favoring peace through social structures that prioritized order and cohesion. Evidence of dominance hierarchies or widespread violence only appears around 6,000 to 9,000 years ago.

As highlighted by extensive anthropological research, long before the formation of wealth hierarchies, these groups enforced norms to prevent any individual from gaining excessive status or resources. The crux of the matter is not whether humans can be violent; indeed, they can. However, before the Agricultural Revolution—approximately 10,000 years ago—cultures had developed effective systems to manage and mitigate violent tendencies, a phenomenon observable in modern hunter-gatherer societies.

When anthropologist Richard Lee inquired about a practice within a hunter-gatherer group that involved downplaying the value of meat from a successful hunt, he received a telling response: “When a young man kills much meat, he comes to think of himself as a big man. We can't accept this. We refuse one who boasts, for someday his pride will make him kill somebody. So we always speak of his meat as worthless. In this way we cool his heart and make him gentle.”

Section 1.1: Maintaining Egalitarianism in Hunter-Gatherer Societies

Modern hunter-gatherer groups still utilize social norms and collective pressure to uphold peace and cohesion. The social structures of true band hunter-gatherer societies exhibit remarkable uniformity.

Dr. Peter Gray states, “During the 20th century, anthropologists discovered and studied dozens of hunter-gatherer societies in various remote regions. Regardless of location—Africa, Asia, South America, or elsewhere—these societies shared many characteristics. They lived in small bands of about 20 to 50 individuals, moving between camps to follow available resources. They maintained friendly relations with neighboring groups. Warfare was uncommon, often arising from interactions with hostile groups who were not hunter-gatherers. The prevailing cultural ethos emphasized individual autonomy, nonviolent child-rearing, sharing, cooperation, and consensual decision-making. Their core value was the equality of individuals.”

This culture did not tolerate greed or conflict, nor did it permit violence among its members. The absence of conflict with neighbors stemmed from a lack of motivation to engage in such behavior.

When we consider the archaeological and anthropological evidence collectively, it reveals a narrative contrary to the notion of perpetual violence and warfare. Initially, I had no preconceived notions about this subject. However, as I delved into my studies, it became increasingly evident that substantial evidence of warfare is lacking. On the contrary, a wealth of data from various sources suggests the opposite. Allegations of violence often stem from minimal evidence or relate to the last 10,000 years, coinciding with the Agricultural Revolution, which aligns with my findings.

Indeed, humans can resort to violence when populations exceed available resources, but this situation did not emerge until relatively recently. Interpersonal conflicts may arise, but these do not equate to violence as a fundamental aspect of existence—something absent in the lives of our Paleolithic ancestors. Furthermore, these early societies prioritized egalitarianism and the welfare of the entire community, essential for their survival.

Only with the advent of sedentism and the hierarchies that accompanied it did large-scale violence become conceivable. As agriculture emerged, new social structures arose, emphasizing individual gain over communal welfare.

Roles became more gender-specific, with men taking on most agricultural labor while women were often relegated to domestic duties. This shift deprived women of equal status and control over resources. Additionally, the frequency of childbirth increased, averaging once every two years instead of the four-year interval typical in hunter-gatherer societies.

To manage surplus food, society became stratified into various roles, including administrators, servants, priests, and soldiers. The soldier's role gained significance due to the unsustainable nature of agriculture compared to foraging. The unpredictability of farming compelled migration into neighboring territories, often leading to conflict. Capturing slaves also became essential, as farming required considerable labor.

This division of labor and the emergence of social inequality had tangible effects. For example, while most individuals faced health challenges compared to their hunter-gatherer ancestors, royal Mycenaean skeletons exhibited better dental health and were taller than commoners. Chilean mummies from A.D. 1000 displayed a significantly lower prevalence of bone lesions caused by disease compared to lower-status individuals.

Section 1.2: The Consequences of Agricultural Societies

It is only under the new conditions brought about by the Agricultural Revolution that large-scale violence became plausible. R. Brian Ferguson, an anthropologist studying warfare, noted, “Views of human nature as inherently warlike stem not from facts but from cultural perspectives embedded in Western thought.”

These insights are not merely the product of feminist discourse; they originate from male anthropologists and specialists in the field. More importantly, the data speaks for itself. Large-scale human violence emerged solely with the Agricultural Revolution. There is no doubt about that.

The first video, "The Agricultural Revolution: Crash Course World History #1," explores the transformative effects of the Agricultural Revolution on human societies, including shifts in social structures and the emergence of violence.

The second video, "AP Human Geography - Agricultural Revolutions 1 & 2," delves into the historical context of agricultural revolutions and their implications for human geography and social dynamics.

© Copyright Elle Beau 2021

Elle Beau writes on Medium about sex, life, relationships, society, anthropology, spirituality, and love. If this story appears anywhere other than Medium.com, it has been published without my permission and is unauthorized.

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